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US banana giant Chiquita returns to Panama
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Martin says Rangers remain supportive despite woeful start
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Stocks slide as US inflation clouds rates outlook
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Smog then floods: Pakistani families 'can't catch a break'
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US to refuse visas to Palestinian officials at UN summit on state
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Ayuso triumphs in Vuelta stage seven, Traen keeps red jersey
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Goalkeepers still posing problems for Man City boss Guardiola
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Turkey bars Israeli ships, flights from its territory
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Forest boss Nuno plans Marinakis talks after transfer issues
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Putin will have 'played' Trump if he refuses to meet Zelensky: Macron
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Norris sets early pace at Dutch Grand Prix practice
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Bargell tackles medical challenge and starts for US at Women's Rugby World Cup
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Vardy in talks to sign for Serie A outfit Cremonese: source
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Trump withdraws Kamala Harris's Secret Service protection
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Arteta concerned by Saka injuries after latest hamstring blow
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Red Cross says number of missing people surging
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Tuchel apologised to Bellingham over 'repulsive' blast
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Garnacho arrives at Chelsea as £40 m move from Man Utd moves closer
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Iran has executed at least 841 people this year: UN
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'Sometimes I want to quit' says troubled Man Utd boss Amorim
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German neo-Nazi heads for women's jail after gender change
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Crystal Palace to face Dynamo Kyiv, Strasbourg in Conference League
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Japan pledges $68 billion investment in India
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Europa League draw throws up Forest rematch with Malmo
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Rooney reckons 'something is broken' at Amorim's Man Utd
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McLaren set pace in first practice at Dutch Grand Prix
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'Money': Bayern's Kompany laments Premier League spending power
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Alexander-Arnold dropped by England for World Cup qualifiers
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Julia Roberts looks to 'stir it up' with cancel culture film at Venice
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Howe vows Newcastle won't make 'poor' transfer decisions
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Max Verstappen: fan favourite but -- for once -- not race favourite
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Austria orders YouTube to give users access to their data
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Labubu fans flock to stores after launch of mini dolls
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Italy's Meloni slams photo sharing in lewd sites scandal
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Swiss economic outlook 'dampened' by US tariffs: key barometer
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Tukuafu returns for women's rugby world champions New Zealand against Japan
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Israel army says Gaza City now 'a dangerous combat zone'
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Trump son hypes bitcoin on Hong Kong leg of Asia trip
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Paetongtarn Shinawatra: glamorous Thai PM felled by Cambodia row
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Park Chan-wook, master of black comedy, returns to Venice
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Mourinho sacked by Fenerbahce after Champions League exit
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German unemployment tops 3 million, highest for a decade
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Thai court sacks PM over Cambodia phone call row
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Turkey says Russia scales back Ukraine territorial demands
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South Korea's ex-first lady indicted for bribery
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Lay off our eggs market, French producers tell Ukraine
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Modi says India, Japan to 'shape the Asian century'
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Hope and hate: how migrant influx has changed Germany
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Outdoor athletics season should be longer, says Coe
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Russian composer Rodion Shchedrin dies aged 92: Bolshoi
Operation Venezuela: Scenario
The United States has surged naval power into the southern Caribbean under the banner of “enhanced counter-narcotics” operations, while Venezuela has mobilized forces and militias at home. Against this backdrop, security planners are gaming out a scenario sometimes dubbed “Operation Venezuela”: a coercive campaign designed to capture or incapacitate Nicolás Maduro’s ruling circle without a prolonged occupation. What follows is a non-fiction analysis—anchored in current, publicly reported facts—of how such an operation would likely be built.
Phase 0: Political framing and legal scaffolding
Before the first shot, Washington would frame action as a transnational crime and regional security problem—drug-cartel interdiction, hostage/prisoner issues, and the defense of maritime commerce—while tightening energy and financial sanctions to constrict cash flows. Expect parallel diplomacy at the Organization of American States, quiet outreach to Caribbean partners for port and air access, and coordination with the Netherlands (Curaçao/Aruba) and Colombia on overflight and logistics. The immediate aim is legitimacy, basing, and intelligence sharing—without conceding that regime change is the objective.
Phase 1: Maritime and air “quarantine,” intelligence dominance
With destroyers, a cruiser, and an amphibious assault ship already in theater, the opening move would be sea control: persistent patrols, air and surface interdictions, and boarding of suspect craft outside Venezuelan territorial waters. Overhead, ISR aircraft and space-based assets would build a detailed picture of Venezuelan command-and-control, air defenses, and leadership movements. Electronic warfare and cyber units would probe networks, map radar coverage, and seed access for later disruption.
Phase 2: Blinding the air defenses (SEAD/DEAD)
Any kinetic step ashore would first require suppressing Venezuela’s layered air defenses, which include long-range S-300-class systems, medium-range batteries, and a radar network anchored around key urban and oil-infrastructure hubs. The likely playbook: stand-off jamming, decoys, cyber effects against air-defense command nodes, and precision strikes on select radars and launchers. The objective isn’t to raze the entire integrated air defense system, but to carve a time-limited corridor for special operations aviation and maritime helicopters.
Phase 3: “Decapitation” raids and denial of escape
If the operation sought to detain Maduro or senior figures, special mission units would move near-simultaneously against leadership safe sites, communications hubs, and key airports (to deny flight). Maritime teams could sabotage executive transport and pier-side escape options, while airborne elements secure runways for short windows. The template is historical: neutralize mobility, isolate the inner circle, exploit surprise—and exfiltrate quickly if the political costs spike.
Phase 4: Precision punishment without invasion
Should detention prove unworkable, an intermediate option is calibrated strikes against regime-critical assets: intelligence headquarters, military logistics depots, and select revenue nodes tied to illicit finance—while avoiding broad infrastructure damage. This keeps the campaign within days, not months, and reduces the risk of urban combat in Caracas or Maracaibo.
What could go wrong
Air denial is not trivial. Even a partially functional S-300 umbrella complicates rotary-wing ingress near the capital. Urban complexity. Caracas favors defenders; militias and security services could draw raids into dense neighborhoods. External spoilers. Advisers from partner states, and offshore intelligence support to Caracas, can raise the cost and duration of any action. Regional blowback. Mexico and others oppose foreign intervention; without a clear regional mandate, sustained operations risk isolating Washington diplomatically. Oil shock and migration. Renewed sanctions and kinetic action could squeeze supplies and push new refugee flows toward Colombia, Brazil, and the Caribbean.
Signals to watch if the crisis escalates
- Additional amphibious shipping or Marine aviation assets entering the theater.
- Surge of aerial refueling tankers and electronic-attack aircraft to forward locations.
- Cyber disruptions at Venezuelan ministries, state media, or airport systems.
- “Maritime safety” notices suggesting wider exclusion zones off the Venezuelan coast.
- Expanded coordination cells announced by U.S. Southern Command with regional partners.
Bottom line
The most plausible U.S. approach is coercive capture—short, sharp, and intelligence-led—nested inside a broader maritime and sanctions squeeze. A full-scale invasion is unlikely and unnecessary for the campaign’s immediate aims. Yet even a limited raid carries real risks: air-defense attrition, urban friction, regional polarization, and economic blowback. In crisis management terms, the escalatory ladder is crowded—and every rung is slippery.

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UNESCO accepts the US back into the fold after a five-year absence

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